By Rosemary Overell (auth.)
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Extra info for Affective Intensities in Extreme Music Scenes: Cases from Australia and Japan
Wood and Smith’s article suggests music provides a way in to understanding of affect and its infusion in everyday life (p. 536). This is because musical performance spaces privilege feeling in a way that contradicts how affect might be marginalised in mundane life. This is relevant to my work as I suggest that belonging in grindcore scenes depends on feeling at home. That is, belonging is affective. Smith, Wood and Duffy’s work focuses on developing a methodology that engages ‘the creative, nonrepresentational qualities of musical performance .
A furîtâ (a combination of ‘free’ and the German word for worker, Arbeiter) refers to young people who are outside the standard kaisha (company) employment system. They work in un- or low-skilled professions such as in retail or as wait-staff. Yumi worked purely to support her love of grindcore, and death metal. She saved money earned from working at a ‘100 ’ shop, a bakery and a plastic food modelling workshop to travel all over Japan, and the world, to see her favourite bands. She spoke some English – taught to her by American fans she met when travelling around the US.
Having grown up in the UK, ‘Kaz’ was bilingual and taught English at a juku, or ‘cramming school’. Takeda was another scene member, the same age as Kaz and the members of palm. He was previously homeless, but had since been granted a job as manager of one of the scene’s key clubs, Hokage. He played taiko (traditional Japanese) style drums in Birushanah. Takeda could not speak English. 36 Affective Intensities in Extreme Music Scenes Birushanah’s front man, known as ‘Sensei’ in the scene, was a participant in the project.
Affective Intensities in Extreme Music Scenes: Cases from Australia and Japan by Rosemary Overell (auth.)