American Taxation, American Slavery - download pdf or read online

By Robin L. Einhorn

ISBN-10: 0226194876

ISBN-13: 9780226194875

ISBN-10: 0226194884

ISBN-13: 9780226194882

For the entire fresh awareness to the slaveholding of the founding fathers, we nonetheless comprehend remarkably little concerning the effect of slavery on American politics. American Taxation, American Slavery tackles this challenge in a brand new means. instead of parsing the ideological pronouncements of charismatic slaveholders, it examines the concrete coverage judgements that slaveholders and non-slaveholders made within the serious realm of taxation. the result's surprising—that the iconic strength of antigovernment rhetoric within the usa stems from the nation’s historical past of slavery instead of its historical past of liberty.            we're all accustomed to the states’ rights arguments of proslavery politicians who desired to continue the government susceptible and decentralized. yet the following Robin Einhorn exhibits the deep, vast, and non-stop effect of slavery in this suggestion in American politics. From the earliest colonial occasions correct as much as the Civil conflict, slaveholding elites feared robust democratic executive as a possibility to the establishment of slavery. American Taxation, American Slavery indicates how their heated battles over taxation, the facility to tax, and the distribution of tax burdens have been rooted now not in debates over own liberty yet fairly within the rights of slaveholders to carry people as estate. alongside the way in which, Einhorn exposes the antidemocratic origins of the preferred Jeffersonian rhetoric approximately vulnerable executive through displaying that governments have been really extra democratic—and stronger—where most folks have been free.            A strikingly unique examine the function of slavery within the making of the U.S., American Taxation, American Slavery will end up necessary to a person drawn to the heritage of yankee executive and politics.

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Virginia remained a terrible place for blacks and, as white settlement extended further westward, for ever more groups of Indians. For them, life in Virginia remained as violent as it ever had been for whites and a good deal more oppressive. As long as these very large facts are kept in mind, however, eighteenth-century Virginia looks like the society we normally think of as the world of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. A majority of white families worked on land they owned, wealthy planters owned large labor forces of African and African American slaves, most white males could vote for representatives in the House of Burgesses, and while gentry slaveholders and yeoman farmers disagreed about a range of issues and developed increasingly divergent lifestyles, they made the Revolution together—as slaveholders and as farmers who hoped to be able to buy slaves in the future.

Rather, Brown’s point is that Virginia’s poll tax on tithables reflected and reinforced key cultural assumptions and that the regular deployment of these assumptions in daily life—in the ways in which individuals treated each other—undoubtedly did harm a large majority of the residents of Virginia. Virginia’s poll tax on tithables also had interesting and significant economic implications. Like all poll taxes, it was levied as a flat tax rate on every taxed person. Because flat tax rates do not vary with the wealth or income of the taxpayer,a poll tax generally is considered one of the most regressive forms of taxation.

Virginia remained a terrible place for blacks and, as white settlement extended further westward, for ever more groups of Indians. For them, life in Virginia remained as violent as it ever had been for whites and a good deal more oppressive. As long as these very large facts are kept in mind, however, eighteenth-century Virginia looks like the society we normally think of as the world of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. A majority of white families worked on land they owned, wealthy planters owned large labor forces of African and African American slaves, most white males could vote for representatives in the House of Burgesses, and while gentry slaveholders and yeoman farmers disagreed about a range of issues and developed increasingly divergent lifestyles, they made the Revolution together—as slaveholders and as farmers who hoped to be able to buy slaves in the future.

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American Taxation, American Slavery by Robin L. Einhorn


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